The new nationalist front

The new nationalist front

As the July 22 elections approach, many see an informal “alliance” between the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) transforming into formal cooperation involving a post-election coalition government if the composition of the new Parliament permits. This is also the wish of some non-political circles who have been upset with the market economy, democratization, the EU integration process, and globalization. These non-political actors expect that the new nationalist alliance of the CHP and the MHP will put all of these dynamics of change back under control. If these two political parties come to power, they would not disappoint those who bet on them. In its election manifesto, the MHP has called for a suspension of EU negotiations. The position of the CHP on the EU has been quite similar. Let’s recall that the CHP opposed the UN (Annan) plan for a settlement of the Cyprus problem, rejected the negotiation framework document and objected to removing Article 301 of the penal code. In fact, the main reason for their objection to the EU is more ideological. As the bearer of the Kemalist state ideology, the CHP knows that it is impossible to maintain a Kemalist state after the EU integration process. The CHP, as the vanguard of the Kemalists, will not stand for the cultural, political and social pluralities that are bound to emerge out of this process. On the other hand, the MHP, free of the Kemalist concerns, shares the fear that a plural and open society will end forever the possibility of any form of authoritarian political power. The leaders of the CHP and MHP with their advisors are in favor of a hawkish foreign policy. Deniz Baykal of the CHP regards the restrain, rationality and caution in Turkey’s policy towards northern Iraq as “talking like Barzani.” The other day during a political rally, Devlet Bahceli of the MHP called on the military to “be ready for an invasion of northern Iraq.” Not only adventurism but also irredentism too seem to be the characteristics of this new alliance. Within the CHP and the MHP we should also note the growing influence of “radical nationalist diplomats” who are the architects of the recent rapprochement. It is worth studying the phenomena that a Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, possessing a Western outlook since the early 19th century, has produced such anti-Western ideologues for the CHP and the MHP. The age of the “diplomats as ‘Westernizers’” it seems has long gone to be replaced by diplomats calling for an end to the EU integration process, the US-Turkey alliance and the EU-inspired democratization reforms. Out of fear of globalization and Turkey’s opening up to the world, the nationalists from the left and right have united in the name of “full independence.” As such, the proponents of this “holy alliance” are disturbed by the amount of foreign capital coming into Turkey. Apparently attracting foreign capital is not the success that we thought, but selling out Turkey to them. They do not value the accession negotiations with the EU, instead of viewing it as a bargaining process for the division of Turkey. The nationalists also think that missionary activities have gotten out of control and are threatening the social base of the Turkish community. Note that the issue was inflamed two years ago by Rahsan Ecevit, the wife of late Bulent Ecevit, honorary leader of the Democrat Left Party (DSP) that is now in electoral cooperation with the CHP. This “warning” was designed to alarm conservative Muslims and lead them to the nationalist alliance in the name of preserving the state.  The nationalists also claim that Turkish land is bought up piece by piece by foreigners -- in the West by the Westerners and in the Southeast by the Jews who did the same in Palestine to establish a future “greater Israel.” In sum, the social, ideological and institutional framework of such a “reactionary nationalist front” has long been operational. What they want now is to turn these networks mobilized by fear and a deep sense of insecurity into votes supporting the nationalist block. A new “nationalist front government” similar to the model Turkey experienced in the 1970s that led to the 1980 military coup will be a disaster for the Turkish economy, social peace, and relations with Turkey’s friends and allies abroad.

18.06.2007