Iraqi President Jalal Talabani is currently visiting Ankara. It is an important meeting, though a bit delayed. Establishing a dialogue with Kurdish groups in Iraq just after Turkey's cross-border military operation against the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) may usher in new developments. To frequently declare that Iraq's integrity is a major concern for Turkey while avoiding meeting with its head of state has never been a consistent policy.
By the way, some groups and even some institutions in Turkey should quit labeling Iraqi Kurds a community that consists of clans. To prevent the PKK from using northern Iraq as a launchpad for its attacks in Turkey, Iraqi forces must establish their authority in this region. It is obvious that the Kurdish government in the region is the primary candidate to do this. Consequently, it is inevitable that Turkey will establish sound dialogue and cooperation with the regional administration as well as with the central government. And this can only be done by avoiding the disparaging and humiliating language that suggests, "Turkey does not address clan leaders."
No doubt such cooperation will prove beneficial to Iraqi Kurds as well. If the Iraqi Kurds claim to be a legitimate player in the region, they should not allow any "alien" or terrorist groups in their territory. An administration that cannot be dominant over its own territory will have to give consent to external interventions. Thus, the expulsion of the PKK from the region should be considered a step toward the institutionalization of the regional government. Otherwise, the authority of the regional government will be automatically ignored by the PKK and the PKK's existence will legitimately pave the way for Turkish military incursions into the region. In both cases, northern Iraq will not be treated as "sovereign territory." For this reason, the preservation and maintenance of the Iraqi Kurds' gains will be dependent on the dialogue they establish with Turkey both in economic and political terms. To this end, they must cooperate with Turkey in the removal of the PKK from the region. History has examples of such cooperation: Just a decade ago, Massoud Barzani and Talabani sided with Turkey in the fight against the PKK and, in return, Turkey from time to time acted as a mediator in the conflicts between groups led by Barzani and those led by Talabani. This cooperation is easier today than in the past. Furthermore, Iraqi Kurds should remember that they must act responsibly to protect their gains. Internationally, cooperation in counterterrorism is a central theme and those who give support or condone the terrorist organization will have no legitimacy.
The stability and development of northern Iraq are dependent on cooperation against the PKK. Turkey should be a partner to the Iraqi Kurds, not their enemy. One can see that there has been a change of will in this direction in Ankara. Talabani's visit may serve as a turning point for cooperation and stability in the region, which will bring benefits to both parties.
A dialogue with the Iraqi Kurds through President Talabani will arouse feelings of sympathy among Turkish Kurds, who are content with the recent gains of the Iraqi Kurds. We should confess that we have not truly understood the feelings of our Kurds, who were extremely happy when Iraqi Kurds were saved from the persecution and mass executions of Saddam Hussein's regime. We have regarded the developments in northern Iraq as dangerous and, as a reflex of a "traditional" state, tried to block the process. What we have failed to understand was that when our Kurds were watching the developments in northern Iraq with interest and enthusiasm, this did not mean that they wanted to become a part of those developments. Their interest can be seen as a natural result of kinship and solidarity.
In the final analysis, Turkey's dialogue with the government in northern Iraq through Talabani's official visit to Ankara can also be regarded as a new attempt at normalization with Turkish Kurds. Any dialogue with Iraqi Kurds may serve to expand possibilities for dialogue within the country. Having normalized its relations with northern Iraq, Turkey may find more latitude in its economic and political initiatives toward its own Kurds.
08.03.2008
By the way, some groups and even some institutions in Turkey should quit labeling Iraqi Kurds a community that consists of clans. To prevent the PKK from using northern Iraq as a launchpad for its attacks in Turkey, Iraqi forces must establish their authority in this region. It is obvious that the Kurdish government in the region is the primary candidate to do this. Consequently, it is inevitable that Turkey will establish sound dialogue and cooperation with the regional administration as well as with the central government. And this can only be done by avoiding the disparaging and humiliating language that suggests, "Turkey does not address clan leaders."
No doubt such cooperation will prove beneficial to Iraqi Kurds as well. If the Iraqi Kurds claim to be a legitimate player in the region, they should not allow any "alien" or terrorist groups in their territory. An administration that cannot be dominant over its own territory will have to give consent to external interventions. Thus, the expulsion of the PKK from the region should be considered a step toward the institutionalization of the regional government. Otherwise, the authority of the regional government will be automatically ignored by the PKK and the PKK's existence will legitimately pave the way for Turkish military incursions into the region. In both cases, northern Iraq will not be treated as "sovereign territory." For this reason, the preservation and maintenance of the Iraqi Kurds' gains will be dependent on the dialogue they establish with Turkey both in economic and political terms. To this end, they must cooperate with Turkey in the removal of the PKK from the region. History has examples of such cooperation: Just a decade ago, Massoud Barzani and Talabani sided with Turkey in the fight against the PKK and, in return, Turkey from time to time acted as a mediator in the conflicts between groups led by Barzani and those led by Talabani. This cooperation is easier today than in the past. Furthermore, Iraqi Kurds should remember that they must act responsibly to protect their gains. Internationally, cooperation in counterterrorism is a central theme and those who give support or condone the terrorist organization will have no legitimacy.
The stability and development of northern Iraq are dependent on cooperation against the PKK. Turkey should be a partner to the Iraqi Kurds, not their enemy. One can see that there has been a change of will in this direction in Ankara. Talabani's visit may serve as a turning point for cooperation and stability in the region, which will bring benefits to both parties.
A dialogue with the Iraqi Kurds through President Talabani will arouse feelings of sympathy among Turkish Kurds, who are content with the recent gains of the Iraqi Kurds. We should confess that we have not truly understood the feelings of our Kurds, who were extremely happy when Iraqi Kurds were saved from the persecution and mass executions of Saddam Hussein's regime. We have regarded the developments in northern Iraq as dangerous and, as a reflex of a "traditional" state, tried to block the process. What we have failed to understand was that when our Kurds were watching the developments in northern Iraq with interest and enthusiasm, this did not mean that they wanted to become a part of those developments. Their interest can be seen as a natural result of kinship and solidarity.
In the final analysis, Turkey's dialogue with the government in northern Iraq through Talabani's official visit to Ankara can also be regarded as a new attempt at normalization with Turkish Kurds. Any dialogue with Iraqi Kurds may serve to expand possibilities for dialogue within the country. Having normalized its relations with northern Iraq, Turkey may find more latitude in its economic and political initiatives toward its own Kurds.
08.03.2008
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